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A young chimpanzee sits on a tree root in the forest. Image by By DS light photography.

Steven Lautzenheiser in ‘The Conversation:’ Why can’t I wiggle my toes one at a time, like my fingers?

A baby chimp can grab a stick equally well with its fingers and its toes. Anup Shah/Stone via Getty Images
Steven Lautzenheiser, University of Tennessee

Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to curiouskidsus@theconversation.com.


Why can’t I wiggle my toes individually, like I can with my fingers? – Vincent, age 15, Arlington, Virginia


One of my favorite activities is going to the zoo where I live in Knoxville when it first opens and the animals are most active. On one recent weekend, I headed to the chimpanzees first.

Their breakfast was still scattered around their enclosure for them to find. Ripley, one of the male chimpanzees, quickly gathered up some fruits and vegetables, sometimes using his feet almost like hands. After he ate, he used his feet to grab the fire hoses hanging around the enclosure and even held pieces of straw and other toys in his toes.

I found myself feeling a bit envious. Why can’t people use our feet like this, quickly and easily grasping things with our toes just as easily as we do with our fingers?

I’m a biological anthropologist who studies the biomechanics of the modern human foot and ankle, using mechanical principles of movement to understand how forces affect the shape of our bodies and how humans have changed over time. Your muscles, brain and how human feet evolved all play a part in why you can’t wiggle individual toes one by one.

young chimp running on all fours
Chimpanzee hands and feet do similar jobs. Manoj Shah/Stone via Getty Images

Comparing humans to a close relative

Humans are primates, which means we belong to the same group of animals that includes apes like Riley the chimp. In fact, chimpanzees are our closest genetic relatives, sharing almost 98.8% of our DNA.

Evolution is part of the answer to why chimpanzees have such dexterous toes while ours seem much more clumsy.

Our very ancient ancestors probably moved around the way chimpanzees do, using both their arms and legs. But over time our lineage started walking on two legs. Human feet needed to change to help us stay balanced and to support our bodies as we walk upright. It became less important for our toes to move individually than to keep us from toppling over as we moved through the world in this new way.

bare feet walking across sandy surface toward camera
Feet adapted so we could walk and balance on just two legs. Karina Mansfield/Moment via Getty Images

Human hands became more important for things such as using tools, one of the hallmark skills of human beings. Over time, our fingers became better at moving on their own. People use their hands to do lots of things, such as drawing, texting or playing a musical instrument. Even typing this article is possible only because my fingers can make small, careful and controlled movements.

People’s feet and hands evolved for different purposes.

Muscles that move your fingers or toes

Evolution brought these differences about by physically adapting our muscles, bones and tendons to better support walking and balance. Hands and feet have similar anatomy; both have five fingers or toes that are moved by muscles and tendons. The human foot contains 29 muscles that all work to help you walk and stay balanced when you stand. In comparison, a hand has 34 muscles.

Most of the muscles of your foot let you point your toes down, like when you stand on tiptoes, or lift them up, like when you walk on your heels. These muscles also help feet roll slightly inward or outward, which lets you keep your balance on uneven ground. All these movements work together to help you walk and run safely.

The big toe on each foot is special because it helps push your body forward when you walk and has extra muscles just for its movement. The other four toes don’t have their own separate muscles. A few main muscles in the bottom of your foot and in your calf move all four toes at once. Because they share muscles, those toes can wiggle, but not very independently like your fingers can. The calf muscles also have long tendons that reach into the foot; they’re better at keeping you steady and helping you walk than at making tiny, precise movements.

a pen and ink drawing of the interior anatomy of a human hand
Your hand is capable of delicate movements thanks to the muscles and ligaments that control its bones. Henry Gray, ‘Anatomy of the Human Body’/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

In contrast, six main muscle groups help move each finger. The fingers share these muscles, which sit mostly in the forearm and connect to the fingers by tendons. The thumb and pinky have extra muscles that let you grip and hold objects more easily. All of these muscles are specialized to allow careful, controlled movements, such as writing.

So, yes, I have more muscles dedicated to moving my fingers, but that is not the only reason I can’t wiggle my toes one by one.

Divvying up brain power

You also need to look inside your brain to understand why toes and fingers work differently. Part of your brain called the motor cortex tells your body how to move. It’s made of cells called neurons that act like tiny messengers, sending signals to the rest of your body.

Your motor cortex devotes many more neurons to controlling your fingers than your toes, so it can send much more detailed instructions to your fingers. Because of the way your motor cortex is organized, it takes more “brain power,” meaning more signals and more activity, to move your fingers than your toes.

illustration of a brain looking down at the top of the head with one section highlighted orange
The motor cortex of your brain sends orders to move parts of your body. Kateryna Kon/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

Even though you can’t grab things with your feet like Ripley the chimp can, you can understand why.


Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.The Conversation

Steven Lautzenheiser, Assistant Professor of Biological Anthropology, University of Tennessee

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Posted: December 18, 2025Filed Under: Featured, News

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Honor killings: Arsalan Khan interviewed by Le Monde

Honor Killings: Arsalan Khan interviewed by Le Monde

Arsalan Khan was interviewed by Le Monde, France, to share his insights into the social, historical and religious factors behind recent honor killings in Pakistan.

Excerpts:

Arsalan Khan, an associate professor of anthropology specializing in religion, gender, and violence in Pakistan at the University of Tennessee, analyzes virality as a double-edged sword: “The government acts when there is a huge scandal and pressure from civil society, urban groups, and human rights organizations, and when something becomes international.”

On the other hand, “documenting crime or punishment through video is part of the process of restoring honor within tribes; it is proof of honor saved for families.” According to him, in the case of the video of the murder of Bano Bibi Satakzai and Ehsan Ullah Samalani, “it is clear that the video was produced for internal purposes. It is quite possible that it was to build evidence to ‘restore honor.'”

Honor killings highlight the lack of regulation of jirgas, traditional tribal councils, which are responsible for extrajudicial decisions that perpetuate patriarchal values ​​in Pakistan’s provinces. “Tribal organizations are organized around the idea of ​​male descent, hence the desire to control women’s sexuality in order to preserve tribal unity,” explains Arsalan Khan.

For Arsalan Khan, the colonial period also played a key role in maintaining jirgas and perpetuating honor killings. According to him, the British regime strengthened these informal courts through its use of indirect rule, “a set of laws and policies that supported local authorities and involved a process of formalizing customary law in the 19th century.” “Jirgas still remain instruments through which the state is able to govern rural areas through them,” the researcher explains.

Read the full article


Posted: September 4, 2025Filed Under: Cultural News, News

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Blue and yellow smoke in the air during a protest

The Conversation: ‘Russia’s invasion united different parts of Ukraine against a common enemy – 3 years on, that unanimity still holds’

protesters holding cans of smoke in the colors of the Ukraine flag
Russian aggression has united Ukrainians around the flag. Omer Messinger/Getty Images
Ben Horne, University of Tennessee; Catherine Luther, University of Tennessee, and R. Alexander Bentley, University of Tennessee

When Russia invaded Ukraine in the spring of 2022, President Vladimir Putin incorrectly assumed it would be a swift takeover.

In fact, three years on, negotiators from both countries are tentatively exploring the idea of a negotiated way out of a largely stalemated conflict.

So what did the Kremlin’s initial assessment get wrong? Aside from underestimating the vulnerabilities of Russia’s military, analysts have suggested that Moscow also miscalculated the support Russia would receive from Ukrainians in the country’s east who have close ethnic ties to Russia.

Our recently published study on Ukrainian sentiment toward Russia before and after the invasion backs up that assertion. It demonstrates that even those Ukrainians who had close ties to Russia based on ethnicity, language, religion or location dramatically changed allegiances immediately following the invasion. For example, just prior to the invasion of 2022, native Russian speakers in Ukraine’s east tended to blame the West for tensions with Russia. But immediately after the invasion, they blamed Moscow in roughly the same numbers as non-Russian-speaking Ukrainians.

Moreover, this shift was not just a short-lived reaction. Three years after the invasion, we followed up on our survey and found that Ukrainians still blame Russia for tensions to a degree that was never so unanimous before 2022.

A natural experiment

Our study is part of a larger project exploring how effective Russian propaganda has been at influencing Russian-speaking adults in certain former Soviet states. Our inaugural survey was launched in the fall of 2020, while the question regarding tensions between Ukraine and Russia was first posed in February 2022, immediately prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Surveys were completed by over 1,000 Russian-speaking people in Ukraine − excluding Crimea and the breakaway Donbas region for security reasons − and in Belarus. While the spring surveys in Ukraine were conducted in person, the others were done by telephone due to the political situation in each country.

Belarus was chosen because it shares a similar historical, linguistic and ethnic background to Ukraine, but the two nations have diverged in their geopolitical paths. Shortly after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Belarus, like Ukraine, forged ahead in attempting to build democratic systems. But after Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko came to power in 1994, the country become an authoritarian state with a high dependence on Russia for political and economic support.

In broad terms, Ukraine has had an opposite trajectory. Relations between Ukraine and Russia fluctuated over the initial years of independence. But since the Maidan revolution of November 2013 to February 2014, a staunch pro-Western leadership has emerged.

Still, certain segments of the population in Ukraine continued to hold affinities toward Russia – most notably, the Russian-speaking older generation in the country’s east.

Our surveys provide a kind of natural experiment looking at the impact of a Russian invasion on previous pro-Russian public sentiment.

Ukraine serves as the “treatment” group and Belarus as a “quasi-control” group, with the distinguishing factor being a Russian invasion. The questions we asked: “Who do you think is responsible for the worsening tensions between Russia and Ukraine?” and “In general, how do Russian policies affect your country?”

A group of people are seen sitting around a large table.
Ukrainian, American and Russian delegates meet for peace talks on May 16, 2025, in Istanbul, Turkey. Arda Kucukkaya/Turkish Foreign Ministry via Getty Images

Converging blame

We found that in Ukraine, but not in Belarus, geopolitical views were sharply unified by the experience of the invasion. On one level, this is not surprising – after all, the people of a country being invaded would be expected to hold some degree of resentment to the invading army.

But what we found most interesting is that this effect in Ukraine massively overrode the split among various identities before the invasion. This was most prominent in people’s perceptions of who was to blame for rising tensions.

Prior to the invasion, 69.7% of respondents in Ukraine overall blamed Russia for the tensions between the two countries, with 30.3% blaming NATO, Ukraine or the U.S. By August 2022, 97.3% of respondents in Ukraine blamed Russia for the tensions, with only 2.7% blaming NATO, Ukraine or the U.S.

By comparison, in the neighboring country of Belarus, 15.5% of respondents blamed Russia for the tensions prior to the invasion, and only 21.9% of respondents blamed Russia for the tensions after the invasion.

This near unanimity in Ukraine masks the massive shifts you see when broken down for demographic differences. For example, blame varied widely across regions of Ukraine before the invasion but converged after the invasion. Prior to the invasion, only 36.0% of respondents in the east of Ukraine and 51.4% of respondents in the south of Ukraine blamed Russia for the tensions. After the invasion, over 96% of respondents in both regions blamed Russia.

A similar effect can be seen across other demographic differences. Only 30.6% of Catholics in Ukraine blamed Russia for the tensions prior to the invasion, while 83.0% blamed Russia later on.

What were once stratified opinions before the invasion became uniform afterward.

To check that this trend was not just an immediate post-invasion blip, we conducted the surveys again in September 2024 and February 2025. The overall proportion of Ukrainians who blamed Russia for the tensions remained high, with 85.7% and 84.5%, respectively. And again, these results held across the various demographic breakdowns.

In February 2025, the most recent survey, 77.2% of respondents in the east of Ukraine and 83.0% of respondents in the south blamed Russia. Catholics across Ukraine continued to blame Russia, with 90.7% in September 2024 and 90.6% in February 2025. Overall, there has been a small drop in the percentages of those blaming Russia – with war fatigue a possible reason.

Consequences for peace

Our findings suggest that in times of collective threat, divisions within a society tend to fade as people come together to face a common enemy.

And that could have huge consequences now, as various parties, including the U.S., look at peace proposals to end the Russia-Ukraine war. Among the options being explored is a scenario in which the current front lines are frozen.

This would entail recognizing the Russian-occupied territory of Crimea and the separatist regions of Donetsk and Luhansk as part of Russia. But it would also effectively relinquish Ukraine’s southeastern provinces of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia to Russia.

While our surveys cannot speak to how this will go down among the people of Crimea, Donetsk and Luhansk, the study did include Kherson and Zaporizhzhia. And our findings show that the sense of Ukrainian identity strengthened even among Russian-speaking people in those areas.The Conversation

Ben Horne, Assistant Professor in the School of Information Sciences, University of Tennessee; Catherine Luther, Professor of Journalism & Media, University of Tennessee, and R. Alexander Bentley, Professor of Anthropology, University of Tennessee

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Posted: June 2, 2025Filed Under: News

An historical home

The Conversation: ‘COVID modelling reveals new insights into ancient social distancing – podcast’

an image of a home belonging to an ancient civilization
lindasky76/Shutterstock
Gemma Ware, The Conversation

Five years since COVID emerged, not only has the pandemic affected the way we live and work, it’s also influencing the way researchers are thinking about the past.

In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, archaeologist Alex Bentley explains how the pandemic has sparked new research into how disease may have affected ancient civilisations, and the clues this offers about a change in the way humans designed their villages and cities 8,000 years ago.

As an anthropologist and archaeologist at the University of Tennessee, Alex Bentley usually spend his time studying neolithic farming villages. But in the early days of the pandemic, he decided to team up with an epidemiologist on a research project to model the feedback loops between social behaviour, such as wearing a mask or not and the spread of disease. He says:

 In doing that project, we learned so much about the spread of disease and its interaction with different behaviours. It was a perfect setup for looking at the same kind of question in the distant past when diseases were evolving for the first time in dense settlements.

Bentley was particularly interested in whether it could shed light on a conundrum: a curious pattern from the archaeological record that showed that early European farmers lived in large dense villages, then dispersed for centuries, then later formed cities again, which they also abandoned.

All this was happening in the neolithic period, between around 9000BC and 3000BC, a time when humans shifted from a nomadic hunterer-gatherer lifestyle to settling in small tribes in one place, cultivating the land and domesticating animals.

Bentley decided to apply the same model of how disease and patterns of behaviour spread during COVID, to map out how a contagious disease could have spread in an mega settlement called Nebelivka in modern-day Ukraine. This settlement was designed in an oval layout and divided into neighbourhoods, or clusters. Bentley and his colleagues suggest this layout, whether the inhabitants knew it or not, could have helped prevent the spread of disease.

Listen to the full episode of The Conversation Weekly to hear the interview with Alex Bentley.


This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Katie Flood and hosted by Gemma Ware. Sound design was by Eloise Stevens and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

Newsclips in this episode from ABC News.

Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.The Conversation

Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Posted: April 23, 2025Filed Under: Archaeological News, News

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